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Historians, social commentators, and surviving resistance leaders continue to debate the role of the Mau Mau in gaining Kenyan independence. Many survivors on both sides of the conflict see themselves as participants in the independence campaign.
Moreover, in , former Mau Mau fighters launched legal action against the British government under claims of mistreatment in detention camps.
David Anderson, Histories of the Hanged: Kevin Shillington New York: Bilow, Ali University of Washington, Seattle. It has no affiliation with the University of Washington.
The United States BlackPast. Seattle and the Nation The Commanders: Back to Online Encyclopedia Index. Copyright - BlackPast. We welcome your suggestions.
After the Lari massacre, for example, British planes dropped leaflets showing graphic pictures of the Kikuyu women and children who had been hacked to death.
Unlike the rather indiscriminate activities of British ground forces, the use of air power was more restrained though there is disagreement  on this point , and air attacks were initially permitted only in the forests.
Operation Mushroom extended bombing beyond the forest limits in May , and Churchill consented to its continuation in January Baring knew the massive deportations to the already-overcrowded reserves could only make things worse.
Refusing to give more land to the Kikuyu in the reserves, which could have been seen as a concession to Mau Mau, Baring turned instead in to Roger Swynnerton, Kenya's assistant director of agriculture.
The projected costs of the Swynnerton Plan were too high for the cash-strapped colonial government, so Baring tweaked repatriation and augmented the Swynnerton Plan with plans for a massive expansion of the Pipeline coupled with a system of work camps to make use of detainee labour.
All Kikuyu employed for public works projects would now be employed on Swynnerton's poor-relief programmes, as would many detainees in the work camps.
When the mass deportations of Kikuyu to the reserves began in , Baring and Erskine ordered all Mau Mau suspects to be screened.
Of the scores of screening camps which sprang up, only fifteen were officially sanctioned by the colonial government.
Larger detention camps were divided into compounds. The screening centres were staffed by settlers who had been appointed temporary district-officers by Baring.
Thomas Askwith, the official tasked with designing the British 'detention and rehabilitation' programme during the summer and autumn of , termed his system the Pipeline.
The Pipeline operated a white-grey-black classification system: These were moved up the Pipeline to special detention camps. Thus a detainee's position in Pipeline was a straightforward reflection of how cooperative the Pipeline personnel deemed her or him to be.
Cooperation was itself defined in terms of a detainee's readiness to confess their Mau Mau oath. Detainees were screened and re-screened for confessions and intelligence, then re-classified accordingly.
A detainee's journey between two locations along the Pipeline could sometimes last days. During transit, there was frequently little or no food and water provided, and seldom any sanitation.
Once in camp, talking was forbidden outside the detainees' accommodation huts, though improvised communication was rife.
Such communication included propaganda and disinformation, which went by such names as the Kinongo Times , designed to encourage fellow detainees not to give up hope and so to minimise the number of those who confessed their oath and cooperated with camp authorities.
Forced labour was performed by detainees on projects like the thirty-seven-mile-long South Yatta irrigation furrow. During the first year after Operation Anvil, colonial authorities had little success in forcing detainees to cooperate.
Camps and compounds were overcrowded, forced-labour systems were not yet perfected, screening teams were not fully coordinated, and the use of torture was not yet systematised.
Officials could scarcely process them all, let alone get them to confess their oaths. Assessing the situation in the summer of , Alan Lennox-Boyd wrote of his "fear that the net figure of detainees may still be rising.
If so the outlook is grim. It was possible for detainees to bribe guards in order to obtain items or stay punishment. By late , however, the Pipeline had become a fully operational, well-organised system.
Guards were regularly shifted around the Pipeline too in order to prevent relationships developing with detainees and so undercut the black markets, and inducements and punishments became better at discouraging fraternising with the enemy.
Most detainees confessed, and the system produced ever greater numbers of spies and informers within the camps, while others switched sides in a more open, official fashion, leaving detention behind to take an active role in interrogations, even sometimes administering beatings.
The most famous example of side-switching was Peter Muigai Kenyatta—Jomo Kenyatta's son—who, after confessing, joined screeners at Athi River Camp, later travelling throughout the Pipeline to assist in interrogations.
While oathing, for practical reasons, within the Pipeline was reduced to an absolute minimum, as many new initiates as possible were oathed. A newcomer who refused to take the oath often faced the same fate as a recalcitrant outside the camps: Commandants were told to clamp down hard on intra-camp oathing, with several commandants hanging anyone suspected of administering oaths.
Even as the Pipeline became more sophisticated, detainees still organised themselves within it, setting up committees and selecting leaders for their camps, as well as deciding on their own "rules to live by".
Perhaps the most famous compound leader was Josiah Mwangi Kariuki. Punishments for violating the "rules to live by" could be severe.
European missionaries and native Kenyan Christians played their part by visiting camps to evangelise and encourage compliance with the colonial authorities, providing intelligence, and sometimes even assisting in interrogation.
Detainees regarded such preachers with nothing but contempt. The lack of decent sanitation in the camps meant that epidemics of diseases such as typhoid swept through them.
Official medical reports detailing the shortcomings of the camps and their recommendations were ignored, and the conditions being endured by detainees were lied about and denied.
While the Pipeline was primarily designed for adult males, a few thousand women and young girls were detained at an all-women camp at Kamiti, as well as a number of unaccompanied young children.
Dozens of babies  were born to women in captivity: There were originally two types of works camps envisioned by Baring: These forced-labour camps provided a much needed source of labour to continue the colony's infrastructure development.
Colonial officers also saw the second sort of works camps as a way of ensuring that any confession was legitimate and as a final opportunity to extract intelligence.
Probably the worst works camp to have been sent to was the one run out of Embakasi Prison, for Embakasi was responsible for the Embakasi Airport , the construction of which was demanded to be finished before the Emergency came to an end.
The airport was a massive project with an unquenchable thirst for labour, and the time pressures ensured the detainees' forced labour was especially hard.
If military operations in the forests and Operation Anvil were the first two phases of Mau Mau's defeat, Erskine expressed the need and his desire for a third and final phase: So it was that in June , the War Council took the decision to undertake a full-scale forced-resettlement programme of Kiambu, Nyeri, Murang'a and Embu Districts to cut off Mau Mau's supply lines.
While some of these villages were to protect loyalist Kikuyu, "most were little more than concentration camps to punish Mau Mau sympathizers.
He noted, however, that the British should have "no illusions about the future. Mau Mau has not been cured: The thousands who have spent a long time in detention must have been embittered by it.
Nationalism is still a very potent force and the African will pursue his aim by other means. Kenya is in for a very tricky political future. The government's public relations officer, Granville Roberts, presented villagisation as a good opportunity for rehabilitation, particularly of women and children, but it was, in fact, first and foremost designed to break Mau Mau and protect loyalist Kikuyu, a fact reflected in the extremely limited resources made available to the Rehabilitation and Community Development Department.
The villages were surrounded by deep, spike-bottomed trenches and barbed wire, and the villagers themselves were watched over by members of the Home Guard, often neighbours and relatives.
In short, rewards or collective punishments such as curfews could be served much more readily after villagisation, and this quickly broke Mau Mau's passive wing.
The Red Cross helped mitigate the food shortages, but even they were told to prioritise loyalist areas. One of the colony's ministers blamed the "bad spots" in Central Province on the mothers of the children for "not realis[ing] the great importance of proteins", and one former missionary reported that it "was terribly pitiful how many of the children and the older Kikuyu were dying.
They were so emaciated and so very susceptible to any kind of disease that came along". The lack of food did not just affect the children, of course.
The Overseas Branch of the British Red Cross commented on the "women who, from progressive undernourishment, had been unable to carry on with their work".
Disease prevention was not helped by the colony's policy of returning sick detainees to receive treatment in the reserves,  though the reserves' medical services were virtually non-existent, as Baring himself noted after a tour of some villages in June Kenyans were granted nearly [ citation needed ] all of the demands made by the KAU in The offer was that they would not face prosecution for previous offences, but may still be detained.
European settlers were appalled at the leniency of the offer. On 10 June with no response forthcoming, the offer of amnesty to the Mau Mau was revoked.
In June , a programme of land reform increased the land holdings of the Kikuyu. This was coupled with a relaxation of the ban on native Kenyans growing coffee, a primary cash crop.
In the cities the colonial authorities decided to dispel tensions by raising urban wages, thereby strengthening the hand of moderate union organisations like the KFRTU.
By , the British had granted direct election of native Kenyan members of the Legislative Assembly, followed shortly thereafter by an increase in the number of local seats to fourteen.
A Parliamentary conference in January indicated that the British would accept "one person—one vote" majority rule.
The uprising was, in David Anderson's words, "a story of atrocity and excess on both sides, a dirty war from which no one emerged with much pride, and certainly no glory.
The total number of deaths attributable to the Emergency has been a source of dispute: Caroline Elkins claims it is "tens of thousands, perhaps hundreds of thousands".
His study dealt directly with Elkins' claim that "somewhere between , and , Kikuyu are unaccounted for" at the census,  and was read by both David Anderson and John Lonsdale prior to publication.
David Elstein has noted that leading authorities on Africa have taken issue with parts of Elkins' study, in particular her mortality figures: The British possibly killed in excess of 20, Mau Mau militants,  but in some ways more notable is the smaller number of Mau Mau suspects dealt with by capital punishment: At no other time or place in the British empire was capital punishment dispensed so liberally—the total is more than double the number executed by the French in Algeria.
War crimes have been broadly defined by the Nuremberg principles as "violations of the laws or customs of war ", which includes massacres , bombings of civilian targets, terrorism , mutilation , torture , and murder of detainees and prisoners of war.
Additional common crimes include theft , arson , and the destruction of property not warranted by military necessity.
In order to fight the Mau Mau insurgency during the conflict, British troops suspended civil liberties in Kenya. In response to the rebellion, many Kikuyu were forcibly relocated.
Between ,, of them were moved into concentration camps. Most of the remainder — more than a million — were held in "enclosed villages". Although some were Mau Mau guerrillas, most were victims of collective punishment that colonial authorities imposed on large areas of the country.
Hundreds of thousands suffered beatings and sexual assaults during "screenings" intended to extract information about the Mau Mau threat.
Later, prisoners suffered even worse mistreatment in an attempt to force them to renounce their allegiance to the insurgency and to obey commands.
Significant numbers were murdered. Castration by British troops and denying access to medical aid to the detainees were also widespread and common.
According to his widow, British soldiers forced pins into his fingernails and buttocks and squeezed his testicles between metal rods and two others were castrated.
One settler's description of British interrogation. In June , Eric Griffith-Jones, the attorney general of the British administration in Kenya, wrote to the governor , Evelyn Baring, 1st Baron Howick of Glendale , detailing the way the regime of abuse at the colony's detention camps was being subtly altered.
He said that the mistreatment of the detainees is "distressingly reminiscent of conditions in Nazi Germany or Communist Russia ". Despite this, he said that in order for abuse to remain legal, Mau Mau suspects must be beaten mainly on their upper body, "vulnerable parts of the body should not be struck, particularly the spleen, liver or kidneys", and it was important that "those who administer violence He also reminded the governor that "If we are going to sin", he wrote, "we must sin quietly.
Members of the 5th KAR B Company entered the Chuka area on 13 June , to flush out rebels suspected of hiding in the nearby forests.
Over the next few days, the regiment had captured and executed 20 people suspected of being Mau Mau fighters for unknown reasons.
The people executed belonged to the Kikuyu Home Guard — a loyalist militia recruited by the British to fight the guerrillas. Nobody ever stood trial for the massacre.
The Hola massacre was an incident during the conflict in Kenya against British colonial rule at a colonial detention camp in Hola, Kenya.
By January , the camp had a population of detainees, of whom were held in a secluded "closed camp". This more remote camp near Garissa , eastern Kenya, was reserved for the most uncooperative of the detainees.
They often refused, even when threats of force were made, to join in the colonial "rehabilitation process" or perform manual labour or obey colonial orders.
The camp commandant outlined a plan that would force 88 of the detainees to bend to work. On 3 March , the camp commandant put this plan into action — as a result, 11 detainees were clubbed to death by guards.
Mau Mau militants were guilty of numerous war crimes. The most notorious was their attack on the settlement of Lari , on the night of 25—26 March , in which they herded men, women and children into huts and set fire to them, hacking down with machetes anyone who attempted escape, before throwing them back into the burning huts.
If I see one now I shall shoot with the greatest eagerness ' ",  and it "even shocked many Mau Mau supporters, some of whom would subsequently try to excuse the attack as 'a mistake ' ".
A retaliatory massacre was immediately perpetrated by Kenyan security forces who were partially overseen by British commanders.
Official estimates place the death toll from the first Lari massacre at 74, and the second at , though neither of these figures account for those who 'disappeared'.
Whatever the actual number of victims, "[t]he grim truth was that, for every person who died in Lari's first massacre, at least two more were killed in retaliation in the second.
Aside from the Lari massacres, Kikuyu were also tortured, mutilated and murdered by Mau Mau on many other occasions. The best known European victim was Michael Ruck, aged six, who was hacked to death with pangas along with his parents, Roger and Esme, and one of the Rucks' farm workers, Muthura Nagahu, who had tried to help the family.
In , the poisonous latex of the African milk bush was used by members of Mau Mau to kill cattle in an incident of biological warfare.
Although Mau Mau was effectively crushed by the end of , it was not until the First Lancaster House Conference , in January , that native Kenyan majority rule was established and the period of colonial transition to independence initiated.
There is continuing debate about Mau Mau's and the rebellion's effects on decolonisation and on Kenya after independence.
Regarding decolonisation, the most common view is that Kenya's independence came about as a result of the British government's deciding that a continuance of colonial rule would entail a greater use of force than that which the British public would tolerate.
It has been argued that the conflict helped set the stage for Kenyan independence in December ,  or at least secured the prospect of Black-majority rule once the British left.
On 12 September , the British government unveiled a Mau Mau memorial statue in Nairobi's Uhuru Park that it had funded "as a symbol of reconciliation between the British government, the Mau Mau, and all those who suffered".
This followed a June decision by Britain to compensate more than 5, Kenyans it tortured and abused during the Mau Mau insurgency.
Once the ban was removed, former Mau Mau members who had been castrated or otherwise tortured were supported by the Kenya Human Rights Commission, in particular by the Commission's George Morara, in their attempt to take on the British government;   their lawyers had amassed 6, depositions regarding human rights abuses by late Ndiku Mutua, who was castrated; Paulo Muoka Nzili, who was castrated; Jane Muthoni Mara, who was subjected to sexual assault that included having bottles filled with boiling water pushed up her vagina; and Wambugu Wa Nyingi, who survived the Hola massacre.
Ben Macintyre of The Times said of the legal case: Yet only one of the claimants is of that stamp—Mr Nzili. He has admitted taking the Mau Mau oath and said that all he did was to ferry food to the fighters in the forest.
None has been accused, let alone convicted, of any crime. Upon publication of Caroline Elkins' Imperial Reckoning in , Kenya called for an apology from the UK for atrocities committed during the s.
In July , "George Morara strode down the corridor and into a crowded little room [in Nairobi] where 30 elderly Kenyans sat hunched together around a table clutching cups of hot tea and sharing plates of biscuits.
It may well be thought strange, or perhaps even dishonourable, that a legal system which will not in any circumstances admit into its proceedings evidence obtained by torture should yet refuse to entertain a claim against the Government in its own jurisdiction for that Government's allegedly negligent failure to prevent torture which it had the means to prevent.
Furthermore, resort to technicality. Though the arguments against reopening very old wounds are seductive, they fail morally.
There are living claimants and it most certainly was not their fault that the documentary evidence that seems to support their claims was for so long 'lost' in the governmental filing system.
During the course of the Mau Mau legal battle in London, a large amount of what was stated to be formerly lost Foreign Office archival material was finally brought to light, while yet more was discovered to be missing.
Regarding the Mau Mau Uprising, the records included confirmation of "the extent of the violence inflicted on suspected Mau Mau rebels"  in British detention camps documented in Caroline Elkins' study.
Commenting on the papers, David Anderson stated that the "documents were hidden away to protect the guilty",  and "that the extent of abuse now being revealed is truly disturbing".
Allegations about beatings and violence were widespread. Basically you could get away with murder.
It was systematic", Anderson said. Bennett said that "the British Army retained ultimate operational control over all security forces throughout the Emergency", and that its military intelligence operation worked "hand in glove" with the Kenyan Special Branch "including in screening and interrogations in centres and detention camps".
The Kenyan government sent a letter to Hague insisting that the UK government was legally liable for the atrocities. He told the BBC: It is time that the mockery of justice that was perpetrated in this country at that time, should be, must be righted.
I feel ashamed to have come from a Britain that did what it did here [in Kenya]. Thirteen boxes of "top secret" Kenya files are still missing. It is often argued that Mau Mau was suppressed as a subject for public discussion in Kenya during the periods under Kenyatta and Daniel arap Moi because of the key positions and influential presence of some loyalists in government, business and other elite sectors of Kenyan society post Members of Mau Mau are currently recognised by the Kenyan Government as freedom-independence heroes and heroines who sacrificed their lives in order to free Kenyans from colonial rule.
This official celebration of Mau Mau is in marked contrast to a post-colonial norm of Kenyan governments rejection of the Mau Mau as a symbol of national liberation.
It was also the name of another militant group that sprang up briefly in the spring of ; the group was broken up during a brief operation from 26 March to 30 April.
Contract labourers are those who sign a contract of service before a magistrate, for periods varying from three to twelve months. Casual labourers leave their reserves to engage themselves to European employers for any period from one day upwards.
The phenomenon of squatters arose in response to the complementary difficulties of Europeans in finding labourers and of Africans in gaining access to arable and grazing land.
The alleged member or sympathiser of Mau Mau would be interrogated in order to obtain an admission of guilt—specifically, a confession that they had taken the Mau Mau oath—as well as for intelligence.
Tel From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. This article is about the conflict in Kenya. For other uses, see Mau Mau disambiguation. Date — Location British Kenya Result Suppression of Mau Mau and lifting of the state of emergency, with sporadic resistance until after Kenyan independence.
The principal item in the natural resources of Kenya is the land, and in this term we include the colony's mineral resources. It seems to us that our major objective must clearly be the preservation and the wise use of this most important asset.
You may travel through the length and breadth of Kitui Reserve and you will fail to find in it any enterprise, building, or structure of any sort which Government has provided at the cost of more than a few sovereigns for the direct benefit of the natives.
The place was little better than a wilderness when I first knew it 25 years ago, and it remains a wilderness to-day as far as our efforts are concerned.
If we left that district to-morrow the only permanent evidence of our occupation would be the buildings we have erected for the use of our tax-collecting staff.
The greater part of the wealth of the country is at present in our hands. This land we have made is our land by right—by right of achievement.
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. It is often assumed that in a conflict there are two sides in opposition to one another, and that a person who is not actively committed to one side must be supporting the other.
During the course of a conflict, leaders on both sides will use this argument to gain active support from the "crowd".
In reality, conflicts involving more than two persons usually have more than two sides, and if a resistance movement is to be successful, propaganda and politicization are essential.
Between and , when the fighting was at its worst, the Kikuyu districts of Kenya became a police state in the very fullest sense of that term. Our sources have produced nothing to indicate that Kenyatta, or his associates in the UK, are directly involved in Mau Mau activities, or that Kenyatta is essential to Mau Mau as a leader, or that he is in a position to direct its activities.
It would be difficult to argue that the colonial government envisioned its own version of a gulag when the Emergency first started.
Colonial officials in Kenya and Britain all believed that Mau Mau would be over in less than three months. One courageous judge in Nairobi explicitly drew the parallel: Kenya's Belsen, he called one camp.
In a half-circle against the reed walls of the enclosure stand eight young, African women. There's neither hate nor apprehension in their gaze. It's like a talk in the headmistress's study; a headmistress who is firm but kindly.
The number of cases of pulmonary tuberculosis which is being disclosed in Prison and Detention Camps is causing some embarrassment.
When the colonial government, in a panic, declared a state of emergency in October , the Mau Mau were not yet prepared to launch an all-out armed revolt.
Throughout the revolt, the Mau Mau guerrillas referred to themselves as the land and freedom army. Scarcity of land, especially in Central Province, remained a major African grievance against the colonial government and white settlers.
Hence, the attainment of fertile land, which signified general economic welfare and prosperity for African families, was a major objective of the revolt.
To this must be added the demand for vastly expanded opportunities in education, training, housing, and employment. From , when it was formed, until , when it was banned, KAU was the preeminent African political organization in Kenya.
By none of its leaders, including Kenyatta, expected Kenya to achieve its political freedom during their lifetime. One of the distinguishing features of the Mau Mau is that it remains perhaps the only major nationalist revolutionary movement to have been led almost entirely by peasants, many of them illiterate.
The movement had no external sources of political or material support. Even the British government arrived at this conclusion, having determined that the Soviet Embassy in Addis Ababa , Ethiopia , had not provided any help whatsoever to the revolt or even established any verifiable contacts.
The movement also lacked any propaganda machinery to spread its message beyond Central Province. Together with the British government in London, the colonial government in Nairobi took advantage of this weakness, and launched a harsh and effective propaganda campaign against the Mau Mau and Kenyan nationalism.
The revolt was portrayed as irrational, and as a reversion to primitive savagery by Africans traumatized by the stress of modern Western civilization.
The British government firmly maintained the position that the revolt was not caused by economic conditions, but rather an organized criminal enterprise.
In the West, major newspapers and magazines carried stories on the Mau Mau that reinforced British propaganda.
For four years from October to , the Mau Mau guerrillas operated from the forests of Mount Kenya and the Aberdares. One of the most celebrated leaders of the Mau Mau was Dedan Kimathi, who was based in the Aberdares, and who sought, in and , to establish some unity among the various guerrilla units operating in the forests.
These efforts did not succeed, and as a result the Mau Mau never had an overall leader or commander. Members of these groups would emerge triumphant in the post-emergency period.
The rehabilitation campaign was carried out in the detention camps and even in the Kikuyu reserve. Its objective was to get the detained and arrested Kikuyu to renounce the Mau Mau and its radicalism.
Christian religious indoctrination, sanctioned by the colonial government, played a major role in the rehabilitation process.
Although defeated militarily, the Mau Mau revolt was clearly instrumental in forcing the British government to undertake immediate political reforms.
These reforms included the reinstatement of African political parties in , and then the promulgation of several constitutional reforms that eventually led to the attainment of political independence on December 12, The legacy of the Mau Mau revolt in Kenya remains a very complex and controversial subject.
The controversy revolves around the following issues: What role did the revolt play in the decolonization of Kenya?
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During the eight-year uprising, 32 white settlers and about British police and army soldiers were killed. Over 1, African civilians were killed and some put the number of Mau Mau rebels killed at around 20, Although the Uprising was directed primarily against British colonial forces and the white settler community, much of the violence took place between rebel and loyalist Africans.
Thus the uprising often had the appearance of a civil war with atrocities on both sides. The uprising, which involved mostly Kikuyu people, the largest ethnic group in the colony, began to take shape when more radical Kikuyu militants were invited in to the nationalist KAU Kenya African Union.
Called Muhimu, these activists replaced a more moderate, constitutional agenda with a militant one. The Muhimu began widespread Kikuyu oathing, often through intimidation and threats.
Traditional oathing ceremonies were believed to bind people to the cause, with dire consequences like death resulting on the breaking of such oaths.
The British responded with de-oathing ceremonies. Additionally, the Muhimu attacked loyalists and white settlers. Although the exact origins of the conflict are in dispute, the war officially began in October when an emergency was declared and British troops were sent to Kenya.
The British response to the uprising entailed massive round-ups of suspected Mau Mau and supporters, with large numbers of people hanged and up to , Kikuyu held in detention camps.
Many Mau Mau rebels and armies based themselves in forest areas of Mt. Urban militants, however, waged the struggle in Nairobi and other Kenyan cities.
The largest single massacre of the uprising took place in Lari on March 26, , with attacks by Mau Mau on loyalist Home Guard families. Approximately 74 people were killed and about 50 wounded.
The massacre generated retaliatory attacks by Home Guard, settler, and colonial forces. The initial massacre and retaliatory attacks resulted in the deaths of around people, although there is no official number and the reality of people killed may have been much higher.
But then soldiers stop the coach and force everybody off. Kenya was then a colony of the United Kingdom, and the soldiers were commanded by a British officer.
Naomi and Kimweli refer to him as Luvai, which in their Kamba language means "ruthless person". The soldiers separate the men from the women and children, and haul the passengers to a detention camp.
Naomi woke up some time later in Nairobi's King George Hospital, today the Kenyatta National Hospital, to learn that the assault had caused her to miscarry.
In the meantime, her husband, Kimweli, now 91, suffered his own torment. Then he says he was pushed to the ground, ordered to straighten his legs and trampled on, slowly.
Pulling up the hems of his trousers, he reveals scars he says are from wounds inflicted upon him that day. A tall, gaunt man in a worn-out, too-small suit, Kimweli frowns as he continues: Then they used pliers and I felt a very painful yank of my testicles.
A few years earlier, a local movement had started revolting against the British colonial administration, which had ruled the area since The movement mainly comprised Kikuyus, Kenya's largest native tribe, many of whom had been pushed off their fertile lands in central Kenya by the European settlers.
Along with other tribes, the Kikuyus had been forced to live in ethnic reserves that were too small for them, and required to possess a special permit to move around the country.
Many ended up as cheap labour on white-owned farms in what had become known as the White Highlands. Many of their European masters were young, upper-class British officers who had resettled there after World War I; others had arrived from South Africa and British-administered Rhodesia.
Most enjoyed a life of luxury on their large, servant-staffed estates. But, by , growing unrest on the farms had alerted the colonial government to the existence of the so-called Mau Mau movement, which it subsequently banned in But just two years later, violence erupted as rebels began attacking farms and killing Africans they considered to be supporting the regime.
Their aim was to end colonial rule. It was the British who called them "the Mau Mau", a term whose origins and meaning is still being discussed today.
The Mau Mau were said to be united by a secret Kikuyu oath that involved drinking blood and even eating human flesh. When the rebels started killing Europeans too, the newly appointed governor, Sir Evelyn Baring, declared a state of emergency in the colony.
It was October , and the war against the Mau Mau had officially begun. The colonial authorities struck swiftly and, intending to thwart the rebellion at its very beginning, arrested around people, among them Jomo Kenyatta, the leader of the Kenyan African Union KAU , a predominantly Kikuyu political organisation.
But the actual leaders of the guerrillas, who, like Dedan Kimathi, came from the most radical wing of the KAU, had already escaped into the forests, from where they would continue their fight.
The rebels possessed few firearms so used spears and machetes. When they killed, they left the bodies torn to pieces. Living in the bush, they grew dishevelled, with long hair or dreadlocks, and some wore animal skins.
The fact that they mostly killed other Africans enabled the administration to frame the conflict as inter-Kenyan, one that the authorities were obliged to pacify.
The truth is the Mau Mau was a mass movement that was organised to liberate Kenya from colonial domination," says Gitu wa Kahengeri, the secretary-general of the Mau Mau War Veterans' Association.
Compared with almost all the other veterans, things are good for the secretary of their association, who ended up becoming a member of parliament and now has a state pension.
In a navy blue suit, Gitu looks healthy and younger than his 86 years. He is sitting in the manicured gardens of the Fairview Hotel, near the centre of Nairobi.
The hotel was already here in the s, when its guests were Europeans arriving in the administrative capital of British Kenya. Gitu says he joined the Mau Mau movement in and spent seven years in detention after being arrested in Back then, while the regime soldiers fought the guerrillas, the colonial government also conducted a campaign of mass arrests.
Almost anybody even slightly suspected of belonging to the Mau Mau was arrested and taken to a detention camp or prison where they were then interrogated and often tortured and abused.
Many women, like Naomi, were raped with glass bottles. Many men, like Kimweli, were castrated with pliers. Few prisoners were brought before a court of law.
They were classified according to how dangerous they were perceived to be, and they were continually moved from one camp or prison to another until they were considered safe to be sent to a reserve.
As the war dragged on, the administration started relocating a large part of the native population into what it dubbed "protected villages".
These were surrounded by barbed wire, guarded by soldiers and resembled the detention camps in everything but name. The "villages" also served the purpose of cutting off the locals' support to the guerrillas.
Conditions in both the camps and villages were harsh; violence, sickness and hunger were rife. There is contention about how many people were detained, but Harvard historian Caroline Elkins estimates that between , and , Kenyans were taken to detention camps.
In total, she says, up to 1. The rebellion proved to be much more difficult to deal with than the British had anticipated: In October , the Mau Mau leader Dedan Kimathi was shot and captured, effectively signalling the end of the fighting in the bush.
Kimathi was tried and sentenced to death. He was hanged in February the following year. Finally, in , the state of emergency was lifted, and the colonial regime filed the uprising away as just a savage conflict conducted mostly between Africans.
The rebellion, however, had helped to accelerate the transition of power, as had been happening in other European colonies. Three years later, in , Kenya was declared independent.
Its first government was led by Jomo Kenyatta, by then on friendly terms with the UK. The land which did not remain in British hands passed to Kenyans linked with Kenyatta's government.
The new masters had little interest in bringing to light the wrongs committed by either side during the uprising, or in recognising the role played by the Mau Mau fighters.
The Kenyan government did not remove the law banning the Mau Mau movement, and so the veterans remained barred from meeting and organising themselves into any kind of association.
The death toll of the conflict remains a source of dispute today. The Mau Mau killed around 1, Africans because of their supposed loyalty to the colonial regime, and a further 32 European and 26 Asian civilians, according to figures compiled by David Anderson, a professor of African history at the University of Warwick in the UK.
According to the official figures, the rebels also killed some colonial security forces during combat. But as most of them were Africans, not more than Europeans died as a result of the uprising.
In contrast, at least 11, rebels were killed by the regime, and historians such as Anderson calculate the number of Kenyan casualties to be at least 20, - possibly more.
Harvard historian Elkins, whose estimates have been disputed by some of her colleagues, says between , and , Africans are unaccounted for.
All these disagreements were made possible by the fact that, as researchers such as Elkins discovered, many official documents from the time of the uprising were nowhere to be found.
It seemed the British government had actually tried to delete that part of its imperial past. Things suddenly changed in The veterans immediately began gathering to share their stories, and soon the Mau Mau War Veterans' Association was formed.
The KHRC said it had documented 40 cases of sexual abuse, castration and illegal detention. From those cases, the commission was finally able to present five Mau Mau veterans as claimants in mid As part of the research for the legal case, Professor Anderson made a startling discovery in He found out that the British government had indeed smuggled out of Kenya a huge number of official documents, which were still being kept secret on special premises.
The judge for the case ordered the government to release these. Some 1, files recording Britain's past in Kenya surfaced, many of them documenting systematic abuses committed by the colonial regime during the uprising.
More than 7, secret files were found in 36 other former British colonies. The British government argued that any legal responsibility for the Mau Mau case had passed on to the Kenyan government along with independence, and that a fair trial was not possible after such a long time.
The court denied both arguments; the first in April and the second in June They could proceed with their case and sue the British government.
The trial never happened, however. The British government recognises that Kenyans were subjected to torture and other forms of ill-treatment at the hands of the colonial administration," Hague said.
He also insisted that his government still denied liability for the actions of the colonial administration in Kenya, and added that it would defend any claims brought by other former British colonies.
She recalls how she ran into the bush to escape harsh treatment by the colonisers "because they came in force, beating us We were not fighting them; we ran to the forest for safety," she adds.
She was arrested, she says, "because somebody, somewhere, reported that I belonged to the Mau Mau". She describes how, in detention, "we were thoroughly beaten and we had bottles inserted into our private parts.
There were different glass bottles for elderly women and for the young ones. For the young ones, they used bottles of soda and for the others, Tusker beer bottles.
They wanted us to say that we'd been given oaths by some of those who had gone to the forest. So we were forced to say who gave us the oath.
When the bottles were inserted, blood came out, I started bleeding.